Labor  ani  t^^e  Kext  '..ar 


by 
James  Or.e^il 


LABOR  AND  THE 
NEXT  WAR 


By  JAMES  ONEAL 


PRICE  10  CENTS 


Published  by  the 

SOCIALIST  PARTY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

2418  West  Madison  Street 

CHICAGO 


»l*<i**l**^}^l**l*<i<H,i**i<Hi^^^ 


Labor  And  The  Next  War 


A  STUDY  OF  AMERICAN  IMPERIALISM 
AND  ITS  EFFECT  UPON  THE  WORKERS. 


By  JAMES  ONEAL. 


Editor  of  the  New  York  Call,  author  of  "Workers  in  American 
History,  "    "The  Next  Emancipation,"   etc. 


Published  by  the 

Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States 

CHICAGO 


CONTENTS. 


Chapter  1 . 
Chapter  2 . 
Chapter  3 . 
Chapter  4 . 
Chapter  5 . 
Chapter  6 . 
Chapter  7 . 
Chapter  8 . 
Chapter  9. 
Chapter  10. 
Chapter  11. 
Chapter  12. 
Cliapter  13. 


.  A  New  Period 

.  Origin  of  Imperialism 

.Earh^  American  Imperialism 

.The  Seizure  of  Panama 

.More  Ruthless  Imperialism 

.  Present  Tendencies 

.An  Old  Doctrine 

.Political  Parties  and  Imperialism 

.  The  Cost  of  Imperialism 

.The  ''Next  War" 

.Labor  and  Imperialism 

.What's  to  be  Done! 

.The  Socialist  Solution 


HA 

LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


By  James  Oiieal 


A  NEW  PERIOD 

CHAPTER  I. 

Tlie  working  people  of  the  United  States  live  in  a 
new  period  of  history.  The  old  period  ended  in  1917  when 
we  entered  the  world  war.  As  a  result  of  the  war  the 
United  States  is  a  nation  that  differs  much  from  the  old 
nation  before  the  war. 

We  live  in  an  imperialist  period  of  American  history. 
What  does  imperialism  mean?  It  means  the  extension  of 
power  and  Americau  rule  over  other  peoples  and  nations. 
It  means  a  lust  for  conquest.  It  means  the  suppression  of 
th'e  aspirations  of  peoples  overseas.  It  means  either  con- 
trol of  or  dictation  to  their  governments,  and  this  event- 
ually leads  to  annexation.  It  means  large  naval  power  to 
keep  these  peoples  in  submission.  It  means  a  permanent 
militarism  which  cursed  the  peoples  of  Europe  for  a  gener- 
ation before  the  world  war. 

Workingmen  may  ask,  How  does  all  this  affect  us 
and  our  families?    Why  should  we  worry? 

The  answer  is  that  no  government  can  be  a  tyrant 
abroad  without  becoming  a  tyrant  at  home.  It  cannot 
suppress  freedom  overseas  without  suppressing  it  at  home. 
It  cannot  make  slaves  of  other  peoples  without  making 
slaves  at  home.  If  it  cares  not  for  the  institutions  of  other 
peoples  it  will  have  little  regard  for  any  at  home  that  stand 
in  the  way  of  its  domineering  rule.  If  it  imposes  autocracy 
on  others  it  eventually  will  impose  autocracy  on  you. 


488665 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


But  this  is  not  all.  Imperialism  means  the  develop- 
ment of  a  powerful  government  machine,  an  army  and  a 
navy,  that  must  be  sustained  out  of  the  labor  of  millions. 
It  means  staggering  burdens  of  taxation  which  the  workers 
must  pay.  It  means  autocracy  in  industry  and  breaking 
down  the  standards  of  living.  It  means  that  you  must 
work  harder,  produce  more  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  a 
large  army,  a  large  navy,  and  an  expensive  government 
bureaucracy.  It  means  eventually  universal  military  serv- 
ice. Your  boys  must  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  crush 
the  freedom  of  other  peoples.  It  means  persecution  of 
opinions  opposed  to  imperialism.  It  means  censorship  over 
the  press  and  meetings.  It  means  danger  for  the  protective 
organizations  of  labor,  the  trade  unions. 

EUROPE'S  TRAGIC  EXPERIENCE 

For  nearly  two  generations  we  read  of  militarism  and 
imperialism  in  Etirope.  American  workers  were  happy  to 
know  that  3,000  miles  of  water  separated  us  from  the  im- 
perialist contagion.  Germany,  France,  England  and  Rus- 
sia were  piling  up  great  armaments.  All  these  powers  had 
their  itch  for  control  over  weaker  peoples.  All  of  them 
had  forced  China  to  surrender  enormous  concessions.  France 
ruled  with  bayonets  in  Morocco.  England  with  bayonets  in 
Egypt  and  India.  Germany  in  Africa.  Russia  in  Man- 
churia.   Japan  in  Korea. 

The  European  nations  were  ranged  against  each  other. 
To  prevent  one  power  from  having  any  heavy  advantage 
there  developed  what  is  known  as  ''balance  of  power" 
politics.  Alliances  were  contracted  to  preserve  the  balance 
of  power.  The  naval  and  military  programs  of  each  were 
watched  by  all  the  others.  When  one  power  added  more 
ships  the  "balance"  was  disturbed.  This  meant  that  others 
must  build. 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


So  the  "balance"  was  in  a  constant  process  of  adjust- 
ment by  a  steady  increase  of  armaments  all  around.  Tlie 
burden  became  staggering.  The  menace  of  war  brooded 
over  all  Europe.  The  peoples  looked  forward  to  the  fate- 
ful day.  They  knew  it  must  come.  It  did  come  and  Europe 
was  wrecked. 

Beneath  the  alliances  were  the  secret  treaties.  The 
diplomats  contracted  these  treaties  without  knowledge  of 
the  parliaments,  without  knowledge  of  the  peoples  con- 
cerned. Even  the  diplomats  did  not  know  about  all  these 
secret  treaties.    They  were  "double-crossing"  each  other. 

A  DIRTY  TRADE 

The  great  Ferdinand  Lassalle  once  said  that  "Lying 
is  one  of  the  great  powers  of  Eiurope. "  The  world  war  re- 
vealed that  practically  all  the  diplomats  of  the  allied  powers 
were  lying  about  the  objects  of  the  war  just  as  the  Gennan 
imperialists  were.  When  the  secret  treaties  were  discovered 
in  1917  they  showed  that  Russia,  England,  France  and 
Italy  were  in  the  war  for  territory  and  plunder.  Russia 
was  to  acquire  the  Dardanelles,  Constantinople,  the  west 
shore  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  certain  areas  in  Asia  Minor. 
France  and  Ehgland  were  to  fix  the  western  frontiers  of 
Oennany  for  allowing  Russia  to  fix  Gennany's  eastern 
frontiers.  England  was  to  get  the  neutral  zone  in  Persia 
except  two  districts  that  were  to  go  to  Russia,  Rumania 
was  bribed  to  get  into  the  war  by  being  promised  Bukowina 
and  Transylvania.  Italy  was  bribed  to  get  in  by  being 
promised  the  Trentino,  the  southern  Tyrol  to  the  Brenner 
pass,  TWeste,  Istria,  Dalmatia  and  other  territor3^  Later 
it  was  learned  that  Japan  was  promised  territory  of  China, 
although  China  was  an  allied  power! 

It  was  this  territory  and  plunder  that  was  secretly 
pledged  by  the  diplomats  as  the  stakes  of  the  war.     The 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


peoples  and  the  soldiers  were  told  that  they  were  fighting 
for  ''democracy".  Their  signatures  to  the  secret  bargains 
show  that  the  diplomats  were  after  one  thing  while  send- 
ing the  soldiers  to  the  trenches  with  promises  of  another 
thing. 

Charles  W.  Hayworth,  the  British  author  of  "What 
is  Diplomacy?"  writes  that  the  diplomats  practice  "a  code 
of  immorality  which  would  not  be  tolerated  for  a  moment 
in  national  life,  and  which  would  be  repudiated  by  sav- 
ages," that  the  "highest  political  personages  commit  acts 
the  meanness  of  which  would  make  any  gentleman  kick 
them  out  of  his  back  door. ' '  He  quotes  Lord  Daintree,  an 
ex-diplomat,  who  cynically  refers  to  his  work  in  the  dip- 
lomatic service  as  follows: 

"Men  fight  shy  of  you  if  you  tell  a  certain  kind  of 
lie  persistently,  and  if  you  cheat  at  cards.  But  I've 
been  all  my  life  lying.  It  was  my  profession  to  lie.  I 
was  a  diplomatist,  you  know.  Nobody  thinks  a  bit  the 
tuorse  of  me.  In  fact,  I've  got  a  jeivel  case  full  of  rib- 
bons and  stars  and  things  given  me  as  tokens  of  re- 
spect for  my  skill  as  a  liar." 

Is  it  any  surprise  that  imperialism  and  this  dirty  trade 
brought  the  great  war  and  piled  up  20  millions  of  deadf 
Yet  the  peoples  of  Europe  were  helpless.  Many  suspected 
the  secret  bargains  but  nobody  outside  the  diplomats  really 
knew  what  had  been  bargained  for.  All  that  was  known 
was  that  secrecy  in  diplomacy  was  a  fact.  The  lives  of  the 
masses  were  pledged  in  behalf  of  things  of  which  the  masses 
were  ignorant. 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


ORIGIN  OF  IMPERIALISM 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  same  causes  that  brought  militarism  and  imperial- 
ism to  Europe  have  finally  brought  militarism  and  imperial- 
ism to  the  United  States.  Imperialism  gets  its  start  when 
inventions  and  machinery  increase  the  production  of  wealth 
to  a  point  where  large  quantities  are  sold  abroad.  This 
produces  rivalries  with  other  nations  that  produce  a  sur- 
plus for  sale  abroad.  The  workers  who  produce  the  exoess 
of  wealth  could  enjoy  it  but  their  wages  are  not  sufficient 
to  enable  them  to  buy  it. 

It  is  true  that  before  this  period  some  of  our  states- 
men had  imperial  views.  President  Polk  in  1848  favored 
the  annexation  of  Yucatan.  Three  years  before  Senator 
Douglas  wanted  to  annex  all  of  North  and  South  America. 
In  1854  three  American  Ambassadors  abroad  announced 
that  Cuba  should  be  annexed  and  by  force  if  necessary. 
In  1868  President  Johnson  suggested  the  annexation  of  all 
neighboring  America. 

But  all  these  were  fitful  dreams  of  conquest  with  no 
powerful  forces  behind  them.  Not  until  the  Utiited  States 
was  practically  settled  and  its  territory  to  the  Pacific  was 
filled  did  the  dream  of  conquest  begin  to  take  hold  of  poli- 
ticians, bankers  and  capitalists.  In  the  Eepublican  Nation- 
al Convention  of  1900  Chauncey  J\I.  Depew  asked,  "Wiy 
this  hammering  at  the  gates  of  Pekin?  Why  this  marching 
of  troops  from  Asia  to  Africa?"    His  answer  was: 

"The  American  people  noiv  produce  tivo  thou- 
(■'and  million  dollars'  tvortJi  more  thayi  they  can  con- 
sume, and  WE  have  met  the  emergency,  and  by  the 
providence  of  God,  by  the  statesmanship  of  William 
McKinley  and  by  the  valor  of  Roosevelt  a7icl  his  asso- 
ciates, WE  have  our  market  in  Cuba,  WE  have  OUR 
ma.rket  in  Porto  Rico,  etc." 

All  imperialists  talk  of  "the  providence  of  God." 
Kaiser  Wilhelm  was  always  certain  that  he  had  God  on 
his  side.    Missionaries  are  even  used  to  aid  in  the  extension 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


of  markets  for  goods,  concessions  and  loans.  The  Amer- 
ican writer,  Paul  S.  Reinscli,  in  his  "World  Politics," 
writes:  "Never  before,  perhaps,  has  so  much  material 
value  been  attached  to  ministers  of  the  Gospel  in  foreign 
lands,  and  the  manner  in  which,  after  their  death,  they  are 
used  to  spread  civilization  is  somewhat  foreign  to  our  older 
ideas  of  the  functions  of  the  bearers  of  spiritual  blessings." 

He  mentions  a  French  consul  in  China,  "who  is  fa- 
mous for  his  expansionist  intrigues,"  and  who  demanded 
mining  rights  in  six  districts  for  damages  inflcted  on 
French  missions.  The  French  Government  also  demanded 
the  right  to  build  a  railway  in  Cliina  because  of  the  murder 
of  a  missionary.  It  is  notorious  that  the  former  German 
Government  obtained  valuable  concessions  for  its  capital- 
ists in  Shantung  as  "compensation"  for  the  murder  of  two 
missionaries. 

Another  form  taken  by  this  idea  of  the  "providence 
of  God"  is  the  belief  of  imperialists  that  they  are  the 
"chosen  people."  Professor  Coolidge  in  his  book,  "The 
United  States  as  a  World  Power,"  writes  that  American 
imperialists  have  the  illusion  "that  they  have  grown  great 
by  their  virtues  and  by  the  disposition  of  a  kindly  Prov- 
idence, whereas,  the  progress  of  other  nations  has  been 
marked  by  unscrupulous  rapacity."  Professor  Reinscli,  in 
his  book  mentioned  above,  writes  that  the  time  comes  when 
we  view  "as  barbarous  or  decadent,  everything  originating 

outside  of  the  national    boundary Each    nation    looks 

upon  itself  as  the  bearer  of  the  only  true  civilization. 
France  makes  wars  as  a  herald  of  progress  and  when  Ger- 
many is  victorious,  she,  in  turn,  announces  a  triumph  of 
civilization." 

A^^lo  has  not  heard  of  American  imperialism  as  carry- 
ing "civilization"  to  the  Filipinos?  This  "providencei  of 
God"  is  the  tyrant's  way  of  justifying  the  taking  of  the 
property  of  other  peoples. 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTER  III. 

EARLY  AMERICAN  IMPERIALISM 

The  imperialism  which  Depew  glorified  in  1900  was 
not  the  ruthless  and  brutal  imperialism  of  today.  Capital- 
ists of  one  nation  may  rival  the  capitalists  of  another  na- 
tion in  selling  goods  to  other  peoples  without  any  neoes- 
saiy  danger  to  those  peoples.  This  trade  in  goods  means 
larger  navies  to  protect  it  but  the  real  danger  to  the  weaker 
peoples  does  not  occur  until  the  next  phase  of  imperialism. 

When  the  export  of  goods  is  followed  by  the  export 
of  capital  for  pennanent  investment  in  other  lands  and 
forcing  loans  upon  their  peoples  in  the  interest  of  the  great 
bankers,  w^e  have  the  beginning  of  brutal  control  over  those 
peoples.  When  foreign  capitalisits  and  bankers  invest  cap- 
ital in  these  countries  the  foreign  exploiters  have  fixed 
interests  in  those  countries. 

In  the  case  of  selling  goods  the  sale  is  effected  and 
that  is  the  end  of  it.  In  the  case  of  invested  capital  and 
loans  capitalist  interests  are  in  the  country  to  stay.  They 
want  mines  and  ranches.  They  want  old  fields  and  mineral 
deposits.  They  want  to  build  railroads  and  factories.  As 
soon  as  they  have  these  tangible  properties  they  become 
vitally  interested  in  the  laws  of  the  country,  the  kind  of 
government,  the  political  parties  and  the  men  who  ad- 
minister the  government. 

In  other  words,  foreign  capitalists  and  bankers  seek 
to  shape  the  native  government,  to  control  the  political 
parties  and  to  enact  laws  that  will  favor  their  investments. 
This  leads  the  foreign  capitalists  and  their  agents  to  enlist 
the  support  of  their  governments  in  favor  of  their  plans 
to  control  the  native  govei-nments.  If  native  laws  and 
governments  do  not  suit  these  capitalists  they  call  upon 
the  American  State  Department  to  aid  them.     The  State 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


Department  sends  a  note  to  the  native  government  de- 
manding that  it  comply  with  the  demands  of  these  capital- 
ists. Threats  are  made  if  the  demands  are  not  conceded. 
An  American  warship  is  sometimes  sent  to  enforce  the  de- 
mands. If  necessary,  marines  are  landed  to  make  the  de- 
mands still  more  effective. 

SEICURING  IMPERIALIST  CONTROL    . 

This  method  has  been  followed  a  number  of  times  in 
American  history  as  we  shall  see  later  on.  Very  often  the 
agents  of  American  capitalists  in  a  weaker  country  will 
engage  in  political  intrigues.  If  the  native  government  or 
rulers  refuse  to  pennit  American  capitalist  control  these 
American  agents  will  plot  to  overthroy  the  native  govern- 
ment. Sometimes  they  will  bribe  the  leaders  of  an  opposi- 
tion party.  Sometimes  they  will  secretly  arrange  with 
native  ''revolutionists"  who  are  in  the  pay  of  the  Amer- 
icans to  start  a  ''revolution."  If  it  succeeds  a  tool  of  Amer- 
ican capitalists  ascends  to  power  and  grants  to  the  Amer- 
icans what  they  want. 

If  American  agents  of  American  capitalism  fail  to 
bring  about  such  a  "revolution"  other  methods  are  resorted 
to.  They  will  get  bandits  on  their  payroll  with  instructions 
to  cause  all  the  disturbance  that  they  can.  Bandits  will  even 
be  permitted  to  attack  properties  of  the  American  capital- 
ists. The  American  agents  will  then  protest  that  American 
lives  and  property  are  in  danger.  They  will  demand  pro- 
tection from  the  American  Government.  The  State  Depart- 
ment steps  in  with  a  note  of  warning  to  the  native  govern- 
ment that  it  must  "maintain  order." 

Under  this  plan  all  that  is  necessary  is  for  the  agents 
of  American  capitalists  to  pay  secretly  for  the  continuance 
of  disorder.  More  warnings  are  sent  by  the  American 
State  Department.    It  finally  notifies  the  native  government 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  1 1 

tliat  the  ''patience"  of  the  American  Government  is  about 
exhausted.  An  American  warship  appears  off  the  coast. 
Another  outbreak  of  "disorder"  and  American  marines 
are  landed.  Naval  power  takes  possession  of  the  chief  port 
where  the  "disorders"  are  generally  arranged.  It  proclaims 
martial  law.  The  native  customs  houses  are  seized.  Pro- 
clamations are  issued  by  the  naval  commander  announcing 
that  all ' '  disturbers ' '  will  be  severely  punished. 

After  restoring  "law  and  order"  negotiations  are  en- 
tered into  with  native  leaders  for  establishing  another 
regime.  The  end  of  these  negotiations  is  the  selection  of 
some  tool  of  American. capitalist  interests  who  will  carry 
out  the  wishes  of  these  interests.  Usurious  loans  favoring 
an  American  bank  are  then  negotiated.  Concessions  for 
building  railways,  for  mines  and  oil  fields  are  extorted  from 
the  helpless  nation.  The  little  country  then  comes  under 
some  definite  control  of  American  imperialist  investors 
whose  interests  are  taken  care  of  through  officials  of  the 
American  government,  "financial  advisors,"  etc. 

THE  AMERICAN  RECORD 

In  one  form  or  another  of  these  methods  American 
imperialism  has  overthrown  the  republics  of  Haiti,  San 
Domingo  and  Nicaragua  and  maintains  practical  political 
and  financial  control  over  Hawaii,  Samoa,  Guatemala  and 
has  acquired  as  colonies  the  Philippines,  Porto  Rico,  Guam 
and  Panama.  Only  Salvador  and  Costa  Rico,  on  the  main- 
land of  Central  America  are  left  with  any  degree  of  native 
independence.  These  little  nations  are  so  small  that  it  is 
certain  that  they  will  be  the  next  to  fall  a  prey  to  what 
all  Latin- America  now  calls  "The  Prussians  of  the  North." 

Only  a  few  examples  of  the  record  of  American  im- 
perialism can  be  cited  in  this  booklet.  We  will  consider 
Panama.    In  1903  the  late  Mr.  Theodore  Roosevelt  "took 


12        LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

Panama,"  to  use  liis  own  phrase,  after  a  ''revolution" 
which  separated  Panama  from  Colombia.  Within  tliree 
days  Panama  was  recognized  by  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment. Was  this  Panama  ''revolution"  a  popular  uprising; 
of  the  masses? 

No.  It  was  planned  in  New  York  City.  Its  "constitu- 
tion" was  written  in  New  York.  The  new  Panama  flag 
was  made  in  New  York.  The  hour  for  the  "revolution" 
was  set  in  New  York.  The  chief  conspirator  had  a  talk 
with  President  Eoosevelt  on  the  subject  before  it  occurred. 
He  also  had  a  talk  with  Secretary  of  State  John  Hay.  The 
chief  conspirator,  a  Frenchman,  was  accepted  at  Washing- 
ton as  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  Envoy  Extraordi- 
nary of  Panama  in  signing  a  treaty  conceding  canal  rights 
in  Panama  to  the  United  States. 

We  cannot  go  into  the  long  negotiations  of  the  United 
States  with  Colombia  for  a  canal  strip.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  a  treaty  was  negotiated  between  the  two  nations. 
The  United  States  Senate  ratified  it.  The  Colombia  Senate 
did  not  ratify  it  because  it  was  unsatisfactory.  This  brought 
the  negotiations  to  a.  deadlock.  Only  two  methods  remain- 
ed to  obtain  a  strip  of  territory  for  a  canal.  One  was  to 
negotiate  a  new  treaty  that  would  be  satisfactory^  to  Co- 
lombia. The  other  was  to  violate  the  territory  of  Colombia 
and  seize  the  strip  of  land  that  was  desired.  The  latter 
course  was  followed.  Eoosevelt  "took  Panama"  as  he 
boasted. 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  13 

CHAPTEE  IV. 
THE  SEIZURE  OF  PANAMA 

The  Colombian  Senate  had  rejected  the  proposed 
treaty  by  a  unanimous  vote.  Tlie  American  Minister  to 
Colombia  warned  Secretary  Hay  of  the  ^'tremendous  tide 
of  public  opinion  against  the  canal  treaty."  The  directors 
of  the  old  French  canal  company,  whose  equipment  was 
largely  old  junk,  were  disappointed.  Some  of  the  '^  fore- 
most citizens"  of  Panama  "conferred  with  the  American 
agent  of  the  Panama  Railroad  Company  as  to  the  advisa- 
bility of  organizing  a  revolution,"  writes  Latane  in  his 
book,     "The  United  States  and  Latin  America." 

A  certain  Dr.  Amador  was  selected  to  go  to  the  United 
States  where  he  had  conferences  with  Cromwell,  attorney 
for  the  French  company,  and  with  Secretary  Hay.  Then 
Philippe  Bunau-Varilla,  the  former  chief  engineer  of  the 
company,  appeared  on  the  scene.  He  ' '  entered  with  enthus- 
iasm into  the  revolutionary  scheme,"  writes  Latane. 

Varilla  became  the  arch  conspirator  from  this  time  on. 
In  1920  he  published  a  book  bearing  the  title,  "The  Great 
Adventure  of  Panama"  in  which  he  tells  the  shameless 
story  of  the  plot  to  despoil  Colombia  and  take  her  province 
of  Panama  away  from  her.  Varilla  tells  of  his  interview 
with  Roosevelt  at  the  ^Vliite  House.  He  records  this  con- 
versation with  the  President  regarding  Colombia: 

ROOSEVELT:    "Well,  tvhat  do  you  think  is  go- 
ing to  become  of  the  present  situation?" 

VARILLA:    "Mr.  President,  a  revolutio7i!" 
ROOSEVELT:     "A  revolution?....  Would  it  he 
possible  ?" 

Varilla 's  conclusions  regarding  the  interview  are 
stated  in  the  following  words: 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


"//  a  revolution  were  to  generate  new  conditions 
favorable  to  the  acquisition  of  the  Cdnal  Zone  by  the 
United  States,  President  Roosevelt  would  immedi- 
ately seize  the  opportunity." 

Varilla  went  to  see  Secretary  of  State  Hay  a  few  days 
later  and  records  this  conversation: 

HAY:  "These  events,  what  do  you  think  they 
vjill  be?" 

VARILLA:  "I  expressed  my  sentiments  on  the 
subject  some  days  ago  to  President  Roosevelt,"  I  re- 
plied, "the  whole  thing  will  end  in  a  revolution.  You 
must  take  your  measures,  if  you  do  not  want  to  be 
taken  by  surprise." 

HAY:  "Yes,  that  is  unfortunately  the  most 
probable  hypothesis.  But  ive  shall  not  be  caught  nap- 
ping. Orders  have  been  given  to  naval  forces  on  the 
Pacific  to  sail  towards  the  Isthmus." 

What  happened?  President  Roosevelt  ordered  the 
Boston,  Dixie,  Atlanta,  and  Nashville  to  proceed  to  the 
Isthmus!  Varilla  also  wrote  that  ''the  intei'view  with  Mr. 
Hay  would  have  removed  my  last  hesitations  if  hesitation 
had  been  any  longer  possible."  Roosevelt  in  his  book, 
''Fear  God  and  Take  your  Own  Part,"  in  the  face  of  these 
facts,  wrote:  "No  one  connected  with  this  government 
had  any  part  in  preparing,  inciting  or  encouraging  the  rev- 
olution on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama."  Yet  further  evidence 
shows  that  the  State  Department  was  informed  of  the  plans 
for  a  revolution.  The  following  excerpt  from  Professor 
Latane's  book  (p.  188)  is  amazing  in  its  revelation  of  a 
thorough  understanding  between  the  State  Department 
and  the  plotters: 

At  '3:.!f0  p.  m.,  Nov.  3,  (1903)  the  following  dis- 
patch was  sent  to  the  American  consuls  at  Panama 
and  Coloji:  "Uprising  on  Isthmus  reported.  Keep 
department  promptly  and  fidly  informed.     Loomis, 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        15 

acting."  At  8:15  a  reply  was  received  from  the  con- 
sul at  Panama:  "No  uprising  yet.  Reported  will  be 
in  the  night.  Situation  is  critical."  At  9  p.  m.  a 
second  dispatch  was  received  from  the  same  source: 
"Uprising  occurred  tonight,  6;  no  bloodshed.  Army 
and  navy  officials  taken  prisoners.  Government  will 
be  organized  tonight." 

It  appears  from  these  dispatches  that  the  "revolution" 
had  been  planned  to  the  very  hour.  There  being  a  delay 
Loomis,  of  the  Department  of  State,  wired  for  infoiination 
of  the  "revolution"  that  had  gone  astray!  Colombia  was 
{prohibited  by  American  war  vessels  from  sending  her  own 
troops  into  her  own  territory  of  Panama  to  put  down  the 
revolt.  Three  days  later,  November  6,  the  "republic  of 
Panama"  was  recogiiized  by  the  United  States,  Within 
one  week  thereafter  Varilla,  who  remained  in  New  York, 
was  received  as  Minister  of  the  "republic"  by  President 
Poosevelt. 

It  was  Varilla  who  prepared  the  "proclamation  of 
independence"  in  New  York.  He  planned  the  military 
operations,  conferred  in  a  secret  code  with  Amador,  de- 
signed the  flag  of  Panama,  assured  Amador  that  "you  will 
be  protected  by  the  American  forces,"  furnished  Amador 
with  $100,000  as  expense  money,  gave  him  thorough  in- 
structions regarding  plans  for  the  "revolution"  and  told 
him  that  he  (Varilla)  would  take  care  of  the  "diplomatic 
representation  of  the  new  republic  at  Washington." 

Mr,  Roosevelt  wrote  that  in  this  affair  he  had  acted 
in  tenns  of  the  "highest  international  morality"  and  to  the 
day  of  his  death  he  referred  to  Colombia's  demands  for 
compensation  as  "blackmail!"  The  old  French  Company, 
of  which  Varilla  was  a  stockholder,  realized  $4-0,000,000 
on  its  old  junk  as  a  result  of  this  hand-made  "revolution." 


16  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTER  V. 

MORE  RUTHLESS  IMPERIALISM 

No  other  nation  has  presented  a  more  ruthless  case 
of  outrageous  bullying  than  the  United  States  in  the  case 
of  Panama.  Hawaii  is  another  example.  Hawaii  was 
annexed  in  1898,  American  sugar  capitalists  in  the  island 
desired  annexation.  In  1892  they  enlisted  the  aid  of  the 
American  Minister  to  Hawaii  who  wrote  to  Washington 
that  "bold  action  by  the  United  States  will  rescue  property 
liolders  from  great  losses."  In  March,  1892,  he  inquired  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  whether  the  United  States  would 
support  a  revolution  in  Hawaii.  On  January  14,  1893, 
(^ueen  Liliuokalani  proceeded  to  proclaim  a  new  constitu- 
tion in  response  to  a  request  from  two-thirds  of  all  the 
voters  of  the  island.  Learning  that  there  was  a  plot  of 
the  sugar  kings  against  her  she  abandoned  her  intention. 
The  small  group  of  American  plotters  held  a  meeting  on 
January  16.  A  Committee  was  sent  to  the  American 
Minister.  An  American  warship  was  in  the  harbor  and 
under  the  protection  of  American  marines  two  parties  of 
conspirators  took  possession  of  the  government  building. 
They  read  a  proclamation  overthrowing  the  Hawaiian 
Government  and  the  American  Minister,  without  hesita- 
tion, recognized  these  American  adventurers  as  the  "gov- 
ernment of  Hawaii." 

It  is  hard  to'  characterize  the  acquisition  of  the  Philip- 
])ines  by  any  other  word  than  "treacheiw."  The  Filipinos 
had  practically  conquered  the  island  from  the  Spaniards 
except  for  the  city  of  Manila.  They  surrounded  the  city 
so  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  escape.  With  the  fall  of 
Manila  the  islands  would  be  in  possession  of  the  Filipinos. 
Admiral  Dewey  had  supplied  Aguinaldo  with  arms.  Amer- 
ican and  Filipino  forces  together  captured  the  city.     Then 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        17 


the  process  of  edgiug  the  Filipinos  out  began.  They  were 
asked  to  retire  to  the  suburbs  whicli  they  did.  They  were 
asked  to  give  up  more  and  more  territory  so  that  the  Filip- 
inos having  conquered  the  islands  frorii  Spain  were  in  turn 
being  conquered  by  American  forces.  To  make  a  long- 
story  short,  after  the  Filipinos  were  betrayed  by  American 
imperialism  there  began  the  second  Filipino  war  for  inde- 
pendence. The  Filipinos  were  defeated  and  Aguinaldo  w^as 
even  taken  prisoner  despite  the  fact  that  he  was  negotiating 
under  a  white  flag  of  truce.  Tlie  Philippine  Islands  have 
))een  a  colony  ever  since. 

The  story  of  Haiti  and  Ban  Domingo  is  so  prominent 
in  the  press  that  only  a.  casual  reference  is  necessary.  Suf- 
fice it  to  say  that  at  the  very  time  when  President  Wilson 
was  talking  about  the  "rights  of  weak  peoples"  he  was 
then  sending  American  marines  to  conquer  Haiti,  The  re- 
public was  overthrown,  the  president  and  congress  driven 
out  of  office,  a  military  dictatorship  installed,  and  com- 
pulsory labor  was  enforced  upon  natives  in  building  roads, 
San  Domingo  has  suffered  a  similar  fate.  These  little 
countries  are  ruled  by  American  bayonets.  Intolerable 
loans  favoring  big  American  banks  are  being  imposed  upon 
these  unhappy  peoples  while  every  effort  has  been  made 
to  screen  this  Prussian  bullying  behind  a  barrier  of  censor- 
ship. 


18  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PRESENT  TENDENCIES 

What  lias  happened  to  Haiti  and  San  Domingo,  to 
Honduras,  Gruatemala  and  Nicaragua,  and  what  Mexico 
is  threatened  with,  is  the  sweep  of  an  American  financial 
Caesarism  that  will  destroy  the  independence  of  all  the 
Latin- American  republics.  By  conquest  the  Caribbean  Sea 
is  now  an  American  lake.  Mexico  is  menaced  by  American 
oil  investors  and  the  international  bankers.  Through  the 
State  Department  these  American  investors  are  dictating 
to  Mexico. 

Under  President  Poi-firio  Diaz  Mexico  was  a  vast 
slave  pen.  The  masses  were  robbed  mercilessly  by  a  few 
Mexican  families  who  owned  great  stretches  of  territory, 
American  capitalists,  who  obtained  concessions  from  Diaz, 
shared  in  this  robbery  of  the  Mexican  people.  After  ten 
years  of  bitter  struggle  the  Mexican  people  have  destroyed 
the  old  system  of  slavery  and  adopted  a  new  constitu- 
tion. They  hope  to  recover  their  natural  resources  for 
themselves. 

Now  they  face  the  greed  and  might  of  American 
imperialism.  They  are  told  by  the  American  Grovemment 
that  they  cannot  have  the  constitution  and  the  laws  that 
they  want.  They  are  told  that  their  constitution  must  be 
satisfactory  to  American  investors,  big  millionaires  who 
do  not  live  in  that  country  but  whose  money  is  invested 
there.  This  policy  means  that  American  dollars  are  to  de- 
termine the  Mexican  Constitution  and  that  the  Mexican 
people  are  not  to  control. 

Should  the  Mexican  people  fail  to  satisfy  the  demands 
of  American  imperialism,  war  may  result.  In  that  case 
will  the  American  capitalists  and  bankers  with  money  in- 
vested in  that  country  be  asked  to  go  and  fight  for  it? 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  19 

Not  it  all.  It  is  not  likely  that  a  single  one  of  them  will  be 
found  on  the  firing  line.  The  boys  of  working  class  fami- 
lies will  be  called  to  the  colors  to  fight  for  the  dollars  of 
American  oil  investors  and  for  bankers  with  money  in- 
vested in  Mexican  railways. 

Suppose  British  or  German  investors  in  American  oil 
fields  or  American  railways  were  to  take  the  same  attitude. 
Suppose  they  induced  their  governments  to  send  notes  to 
the  United  States  demanding  that  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  regarding  foreign  investments  should  be  what  the 
alien  investors  want  them  to'  be.  Suppose  Great  Britain 
and  Germany  threatened  intervention  or  war  if  the  United 
States  did  not  comply  with  the  demands  of  these  insolent 
German  and  British  capitalists. 

Is  it  not  a  fact  that  this  insolence  would  be  hotly  re- 
sented here?  Yet  there  are  those  who  would  resent  it  and 
who  at  the  same  time  support  the  insolent  demands  of  the 
United  States  upon  Mexico,  demands  that  are  made  solely 
in  the  interest  of  American  corporations,  bankers  and  ex- 
2>loiting  investors. 

If  war  comes  because  of  this  American  bullying  thou- 
sands of  workingmen  will  have  to  pay  for  it  with  their 
lives.  Many  will  leave  their  bones  to  bleach  under  the 
burning  sun  of  Mexico.  The  survivors  will  return  home 
and  they  and  their  children  will  face  heavier  taxation  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  raid.  If  Mexico  is  conquered  and 
a  tool  of  American  imperialism  is  installed  by  military 
power  in  Mexico  City,  this  means  a  still  larger  army  and 
a  more  costly  navy  to  keep  the  Mexican  people  in  subjec- 
tion toi  American  investors. 


20  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTER  VII. 
AN  OLD  DOOTRINE 

Before  the  rise  of  modem  imperialism  the  American 
Government  took  the  position  that  it  was  not  within  its 
functions  or  duties  to  protect  the  investments  of  American 
capitalists  in  other  countries,  much  less  to  dictate  the  laws 
of  those  countries.  In  1885  Secretary  of  State  Bayard  gave 
expression  to  this  old  doctrine  with  special  reference  to 
Haiti.    O'f  this  doctrine  he  sad : 

"I  feel  hound  to  say  that  if  we  should  sanction 
by  reprisals  in  Haiti  the  ruthless  invasion  of  her  ter- 
ritory and  insult  to  her  sovereignty  which  the  facts 
now  before  us  disclose,  if  ive  approve  by  solemn 
Executive  action  and  Congressional  assent  that  in- 
vasion, it  will  be  difficult  for  us  hereafter  to  assert 
that  in  the  New  Woiid,  of  whose  rights  we  are  the 
peculiar  guardians,  these  rights  have  never  been  in- 
vaded by  ourselves." 

Yet  the  very  thing  which  Bayard  said  was  not  con- 
sistent with  American  doctrine  and  policy  has  not  only 
beeni  done  in  Haiti  but  in  a  number  of  other  weak  nations 
as  we  have  seen.  It  has  been  carried  out  by  Republican 
and  Democratic  presidents,  by  Roosevelt,  T'aft,  Wilson 
and  Harding.  The  striking  thing  about  the  complete  re- 
versal of  the  old  doctrine  is  that  it  came  when  capitalism 
had  developed  to  that  point  in  the  United  States  when 
surplus  capital  began  to  accumulate  for  investment  over- 
seas. The  material  interests  of  American  investors  then 
brought  about  a  change  whereby  the  American  Govera- 
ment  regards  it  as  its  sacred  duty  to  back  up  these  invest- 
ments with  coercion,  threats,  marines  and  soldiers  if  neces- 
sary. 

In  December,  1920,  Secretary  of  State  Colby  in  trans- 
mitting to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  estimates  of  the 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        21 


financial  needs  of  the  State  Department  for  the  fiscal  year, 

wrote: 

"Nations  are  incited  to  extend  their  efforts  to 
the  remote  and  undeveloped  regions  of  the  earth  in 
order  to  establish  control  over  the  initial  sources  of 
supply  to  their  own  advantage." 

What  he  means  by  "nations"  is  capitalists  and  in- 
vestors. Nations  do  not  engage  in  mining,  in  building  of 
railroads,  sinking  oil  wells  in  regions  overseas.  Colby 
continues: 

"It  is  prohahly  in  this  field  that  the  intervention 
of  government  is  today  playing  its  most  active  part. 
The  universality  of  the  struggle  for  petroleum,  the 
coal  and  fuel  problem,  the  supply  of  wood  pulp,  and 
of  many  other  essential  prime  necessaries  are  exam- 
ples of  this  tendency." 

Secretary  Colby's  statement  is  a  clear  expression  of 
the  view  that  it  is  the  duty  of  a  government  to  look  after 
the  material  interests  of  capitalists  and  investors  all  over 
the  world.  The  natural  resources,  raw  materials  and  other 
riches  of  weak  peoples  of  other  countries  are  regarded  as 
booty  for  American  capitalists  and  bankers.  The  govern- 
ment is  looked  to  to  serve  this  class  ii^  obtaining  this  booty. 
This  is  the  new  doctrine  of  imperialist  capitalism. 

How  different  it  is  from  the  old  doctrine  as  stated  by 
Secretary^  of  State  Bayard  in  a  dispatch  dated  June  24, 
1885,  which  I  quote  from  Latane's  ''America  As  A  World 
Power."  Dealing  with  the  claims  of  American  capitalists 
and  bankers  on  peoples  abroad  he  wrote : 

"All  that  our  goveryiment  undertakes,  when  the 
claim  is  merely  contractual,  is  to  interpose  its  good 
offices;  in  other  words,  to  ask  the  attention  of  the 
foreign  sovereign  to  the  claim;  and  this  is  only  done 
when  the  claim  is  one  susceptible  of  strong  and  clear 
proof. 


22         LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


"If  the  sovereign  appealed  to  denies  the  validity 
of  the  claim  or  refuses  its  payment,  the  matter  drops, 
since  it  is  not  consistent  with  the  dignity  of  the 
United  States  to  press,  after  such  a  refusal  or  denial, 
a  contractual  claim  for  the  repudiation  of  which,  by 
the  law  of  nutions,  there  is  no  redress." 

Yet  under  the  administrations  of  Wilson  and  Harding, 
and  beginning  as  early  as  the  administration  of  Roosevelt, 
government  power  has  been  used  as  an  agency  not  only 
to  back  up  claims  of  bankers  and  investors  in  the  Latin- 
American  countries,  but  to  force  loans  upon  them,  over- 
throw their  governments,  rule  the  people  with  bayonets, 
and  establish  control  in  the  interest  of  American  bankers. 

THE  DRAGO  DOCTRINE 

The  peoples  of  the  Latin-American  countries  have 
long  understood  the  grave  danger  to  them  of  the  new  im- 
perialist doctrine  of  the  United  States.  They  have  had 
ample  experience  with  it.  They  recognize  that  it  is  the 
doctrine  of  the  big  powers  against  the  little  powers  but 
not  intended  for  each  other.  The  United  States  Grovem- 
ment  would  not  think  of  backing  up  the  investments  and 
loans  of  its  capitalists  and  bankers  in  Ebgland.  This  would 
mean  a  bitter  war.  But  the  United  States  can  take  this 
attitude  towards  the  little  nations  because  they  are  weak 
and  are  incapable  of  defending  themselves. 

Luis  M.  Drago,  Foreign  Minister  of  the  Argentine 
Republic,  sent  a  communication  to  the  American  State 
Department  on  December  29,  1902.  This  note  set  forth 
not  only  the  view  of  The  Argentine  regarding  military  and 
naval  power  employed  to  collect  private  debts,  but  the 
view  of  practically  all  Latin- America.  Part  of  this  Drago 
statement  reads: 

"The  collection  of  loans  bij  military  means  im- 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  23 


plies  territorial  occupation  to  make  them  effective, 
and  territorial  occupation  signifies  the  suppression  or 
subordination  of  the  governments  of  the  countries  on 

which  it  is  imposed 

"The  simplest  ivay  to  the  setting  aside  and  easy 
ejectment  of  the  rightful  authorities  by  European 
governments  is  just  this  way  of  financial  interven- 
tions     The   Argentine   Republic ivould,   with 

great  satisfaction,  see  adopted by the  United 

States the  principle,  already  accepted,  that  there 

can  be  no  territorial  expansion  in  America  on  the 
part  of  Europe,  nor  any  oppression  of  the  peoples  of 
this  co7itinent,  because  an  unfortunate  financial  situ- 
ation may  compel  some  one  of  them  to  postpone  the 
fulfillment  of  its  promises." 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  Drago  Doctrine  is  nothing 
more  than  a  statement  of  the  policy  which  the  big  imperial- 
ist powers  observe  towards  each  other.    These  big  powers 
in  the  matter  of  trade,  loans  and  concessions,  of  their  cap- 
italists and  bankers  with  the  little  nations,  pursue  a  policy 
of  coercion,  threats,  invasion,  bullying  and  militaiy  occu- 
pation.    But  they  do  not  follow  these  policies  with  each 
other.    The  Drag-o  Doctrine  seeks  to  obtain  the  same  treat- 
ment for  the  weak  nations  which  the  big  imperialist  powers 
concede  to  each  other. 

This  Drago  Doctrine  also  holds  that  capitalists  and 
bankers  of  other  countries,  investing  or  loaning  money 
in  another  country,  should  invest  and  loan  under  the  laws 
of  the  other  country.  If  they  do  not  like  the  laws  they 
should  not  loan  or  invest.  This  is  the  doctrine  of  the  big 
powers  in  their  intercourse  with  each  other.  The  United 
States,  for  example,  requires  that  foreign  capitalists  should 
invest  under  American  laws.  The  American  Government 
would  regard  it  as  an  insult  if  another  government  were 
to  tell  it  to  change  its  constitution  or  its  laws  to  suit  alien 
capitalists! 

But  in  late  years  we  have    witnessed    the    amazing 


24        LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

spectacle  of  the  American  Goveniment  sending  notes  to 
iMexico  telling  that  government  that  the  Mexican  Consti- 
tution and  Mexican  laws  must  be  changed  to  suit  the  in- 
terests of  a  handful  of  powerful  American  investors  in 
Mexico.  During  the  past  20  years  financial  imperialism  in 
the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  Pacific  has  been  followed  by  a 
consistent  policy  of  intervention  to  collect  debts  of  the 
little  nations  contiguous  to  these  waters,  establishing  naval 
bases  and  arranging  for  police  control  in  the  interest  of 
American  bankers  and  investors. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

What  has  come  to  be  known  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
was  proclaimed  by  President  Monroe  in  1823.  Tt  had  its 
origin  in  the  fear  that  the  Holy  Alliance  was  plotting  for 
the  overthrow  of  republics  in  South  America.  Tlie  gist 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  contained  in  the  statement  that 
"the  American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent 
condition  whicli  they  have  assumed  and  maintained,  are 
henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  col- 
onization of  any  European  powers. ' '  It  went  on  to  declare 
that  "We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor,  and  to  the  amicable 
relation  existing  between  the  United  States  and  those 
powers,  to  declare  that  we  should  consider  anj^  attempt  on 
their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this 
hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety." 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  had  many  interpretations 
since  it  was  first  announced.  It  is  not  now  what  it  was 
originally  conceived  to  be.  In  the  first  place  while  it  served 
to  i)rotect  Latin-America  against  Euroi>ean  aggression,  it 
has  not  protected  Latin- America  from  American  aggres- 
sion. On  the  contrary,  beginning  with  the  interpretation 
given  to  it  by  President  Roosevelt,  it  has  served  as  a  menace 
to  aU  Latin-America. 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  '25 

What  it  means  today  according  to  the  development  it 
has  had  in  the  hands  of  Roosevelt,  Taft,  Wilson  and  Hard- 
ing is  that  Europe  shall  still  keep  hands  off  Latin-America 
but  that  the  L^nited  States  will  act  as  a  policeman  for  the 
Eluropean  powers,  and  the  United  States  as  well,  in  coerc- 
ing and  gradually  destroying  the  independence  of  Latin- 
American  peoples. 

In  1904  President  Boosevelt  stated  this  conception  of 
the  United  States  as  a  policeman  for  the  bankers  and  cap- 
italists of  the  world.    In  a  message  to  Congress  he  said: 

"If  a  nation  shows  that  it  knoivs  ho2v  to  act 
'with  reasonable  efficiency  and  decency  in  social  and 
'political  matters,  if  it  keeps  order  and  pays  its  obli- 
gations, it  need  fear  no  i7iterference  from  the  United 
States (But)  in  the  Western  Hemisphere  the  ad- 
herence of  the  United  States  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
may  force  the  United  States,  however  reluctaritly ,  in 
flagrant  cases  of....  wrong-doing  or  impotence,  to  the 
exercise  of  an  international  police  power." 

Notice  that  the  United  States  is  to  judge  of  the 
"wrong-doing"  of  another  nation.  The  reader's  attention 
is  again  called  to  the  account  given  of  how  the  agents  of 
American  capitalists  stir  up  trouble  in  Latin-America  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  support  of  this  "international  police 
power."  Readers  are  asked  to  remember  Mr.  Roosevelt's 
connection  with  the  "revolution"  in  Panama.  Is  not  the 
sinister  character  of  this  sort  of  Monroe  Doctrine  apparent 
when  it  is  remembered  that  both  Wilson  and  Harding  have 
acted  in  accord  with  it?  Its  conflict  with  the  Drago  Doc- 
trine is  alsoi  evident.  Considering  that  all  Latin-America 
subscribes  to  the  Drago  Doctrine  it  is  evident  that  the 
]>eoples  of  that  vast  region  are  ranged  against  the  mailed 
fist  that  now  goes  with  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 


26  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
POLITICAL  PARTIESi  AND  IMPERIALISM 

By  1900  the  United  States  was  launclied  upon  a 
career  of  imperialism  by  its  acquirement  of  overseas  terri- 
tory which  it  obtained  in  the  Spanish- American  War.  The 
Democratic  party  made  the  national  issue  in  the  campaign 
of  that  year  one  of  imperialism.  In  its  platform  of  that 
year  it  warned  that  "no  nation  can  long  endure  half  re- 
public and  half  empire,  and  we  warn  the  American  people 
that  imperialism  abroad  will  lead  quickly  and  inevitably 
to  despotism  at  home. ' '  The  Democrats  also  made  the  fol- 
lowing significant  declaration: 

"We  oppose  militarism.  It  means  coyiqtiest 
abroad  and  intimidation  and  oppression  at  home. 
It  means  the  strong  arm  ivhich  has  ever  been  fatal  to 
free  institutions.  It  is  ivhat  millions  of  our  citizens 
have  fled  from  in  Europe.  It  will  impose  upon  our 
peace-loving  people  a  large  standing  army,  an  un- 
necessary burden  of  taxation,  and  would  be  a  con- 
stant menace  to  their  liberties." 

It  is  a  remarkable  warning  and  prophecy  considered 
in  the  light  of  the  second  Wilson  administration.  But  the 
Democrats  also  said  in  this  platform.  ''This  republic  has 
no  place  for  a  vast  military  establishment,  a  sure  forerun- 
ner of  compulsory  military  service  and  conscription."  This 
conscription  they  denounced  as  "un-American,  undemo- 
cratic and  unrepublican  and  as  a  subversion  of  the  ancient 
and  fixed  principles  of  a  free  people." 

Within  20  years  after  the  Democratic  party  denoun- 
ced all  these  things  it  imposed  all  of  them  upon  the  masses 
of  this  country,  including  conscription!  It  did  all  these 
things  with  the  aid  and  willing  cooperation  of  the  Repub- 
lican party!  It  inaugurated  "oppression  at  home"  by  sup- 
pressing public  meetings.  With  the  "strong  arm"  it  threw 
critics  into  prison,  suppressed  newspapers,  and  inaugurated 
a  reign  of  terror.    The  man  who  was  the  chief  author  of 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        27 

the  platform  of  1900,  William  Jennings  Bryan,  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Wilson  administration  which  brought  this  reigTi 
of  terror  and  autocracy! 

By  1912  the  Democratic  party  had  accepted  the  full 
program  of  the  imperialism  which  it  had  denounced  in 
1900.  In  its  platform  of  1912  it  said  that  ''every  American 
citizen  residing  or  having  property  in  any  foreign  country 
is  entitled  to  and  must  be  given  the  full  protection  of  the 
United  States  Grovemment,  both  for  himself  and  his  prop- 
erty." It  is  this  protection  of  American  property  abroad 
that  is  the  source  of  the  imperialism  of  the  mailed  fist  in 
Latin-America.  The  Eepublican  party  pledged  the  same 
thing  in  its  platform  of  the  same  year. 

The  Eepublican  party  was  the  original  party  of  im- 
perialist capitalism.  It  was  imperialist  in  1900.  In  1916 
the  National  Hughes  Alliance  published  an  advertisement 
in.  the  daily  papers  of  October  11  in  favor  of  Hughes  for 
President.  These  Eepublicans  said  in  that  document :  "The 
rivalries  that  begin  in  commerce  end  on  battlefields.  The 
history  of  war  is  green  with  international  jealousies.  What- 
ever the  diplomatic  excuse,  every  great  conflict  in  modem 
times  had  its  origin  in  some  question  of  property  rights." 

The  Massachusetts  Eepublican  platform  in  1917  con- 
tained this  paragraph: 

"After  this  war  of  armies  is  over,  a  war  for  the 
conquest  of  the  world  markets  will  begin,  and  for  this 
we  must  prepare." 

It  is  always  markets,  investments,  loans  and  more  in- 
vestments for  capitalists,  traders,  bankers,  and  concession 
hunters  which  the  two-party  machine  of  capitalism  favors. 
"Whatever  the  diplomatic  excuse,  every  conflict  in  modern 
times  had  its  origin  in  some  question  of  property  rights." 
Tlie  workers  of  thei  United  States  are  expected  by  both 
parties  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  die  abroad  to 
promote  these  "property  rights." 


28         LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

chapter  ix. 
the;  cost  of  imperialism 

The  most  authoritative  study  of  the  costs  of  the  world 
war  is  that  made  by  Professor  Bogart  in  his  book  on  ''The 
Direct  and  Indirect  Costs  of  the  Great  World  War."  He 
shows  that  in  all  the  wars  of  the  nineteenth  century,  be- 
ginning with  the  wars  of  Napoleon,  the  total  dead  was 
about  4,449,300.  Tlie  total  deaths  from  direct  causes  in 
the  world  war  was  twice  the  number  of  dead  in  all  the 
wars  of  the  nineteenth  century!  When  we  include  those 
who  also  died  of  indirect  causes  in  the  world  war  we  get 
the  staggering  total  of  20  millions  of  dead!  The  total  cost 
in  wealth  is  estimated  at  the  enormous  sum  of  nearly  $338 
billion  dollars,  of  which  the  26  billion  dollar  debt  of  the 
United  States  is  a  part. 

But  this  26  billions  is  not  the  only  cost  to  the  working 
people  of  this  country.  In  the  Searchlight  (Washington) 
for  April,  1920  Basil  M.  Manly,  formerly  Joint  Chairman 
of  the  National  War  Labor  Board,  reveals  the  enormous 
war  profits  of  the  great  capitalists  of  America.  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  MoAdoo  reported  in  1917  that  the  mine 
owners  of  bituminous  coal  realized  from  15  to  2,000  per 
cent  on  their  capital  stock  and  that  "earnings"  of  from 
100  to  300  per  cent  on  capital  stock  were  not  uncommon. 
Only  a  small  number  of  his  report  known  as  Senate  Docu- 
ment No.  259  was  printed.  A  paragraph  from  Manly 's 
article  is  amazing: 

"At  the  time  that  the  coal  operators  were  mak- 
ing profits  as  high  as  7,856  per  cent  on  their  capital 
stock,  the  meat  packers  ivere  making  profits  ranging 
as  high  as  4-,24-4  per  cent,  canners  of  fruits  and  vege- 
tables 2,032  per  cent,  ivoolen  mills  1,770  per  cent, 
furniture  mayiufacturers  3,295  per  cent,  clothing  and 
dry  goods  stores  9,826  per  cent,  arid  to  cap  the  cli- 
max, steel  mills  as  high  as  290,999  per  cent!" 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        29 

Meantime  the  soldiers  served  for  $30  per  month.  The 

great  masses  were  told  to  "buy  till  it  hurts"  of  Liberty 
Bonds.  They  were  put  on  rations.  The  masses  were  told 
to  "work  or  fight."  Those  who  tried  to  expose  the  shame- 
less profiteering  were  tarred  as  "pro-German".  Others 
were  mobbed  and  still  others  were  sent  to  prison  for  long 
terms.  The  profiteering  was  tremendous.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  the  mine  owners,  the  woolen  manufacturers  and  the 
steel  manufacturers,  whose  enormous  lootings  are  men- 
tioned above,  are  among  those  who  in  1922  were  waging  a 
campaign  for  heavy  wage  reductions! 

All  this  must  be  added  to  the  costs  of  the  war  so  far 
as  the  costs  affect  the  working  people  of  the  United  States. 
They  constitute  the  staggering  cost  of  imperialism.  In  ad- 
dition to  all  this  the  soldier  workers  and  all  other  workers 
are  commanded  by  the  capitalist  masters  of  the  country 
to  give  up  their  trade  unions  and  accept  the  ' '  open  shop. ' ' 

Mr.  Manly  gives  another  illustration  of  the  cost  to  us 
in  the  following  paragraph: 

"It  is  clear  that  if  the  national  government  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war  had  taken  over  the  essential 
lines  of  industry,  and  the  American  'people  had  heeii 
required  to  pay  the  prices  which  private  manufactur- 
ers and  merchants  have  charged  them,  there  would 
have  been  sufficient  profit  to  pay  for  every  dollar's 
'worth  of  capital  stock,  and  leave  the  nation  in  pos- 
session of  practically  all  its  manufacturing  plants!" 

This  is  the  price  we  pay  for  the  imperialism  which 
serves  bankers,  international  traders  and  investors.     Out 

of  the  sweat  and  toil  of  the  working  masses  is  heaped  up 
surplus  capital  for  foreign  investment.  When  investments 
are  fixed  in  other  countries  navalism,  militarism  and  im- 
perialism follow.  Efforts  of  capitalists  and  bankers  to  con- 
trol the  weaker  countries  lead  to  war.  The  workers  go  to 
war,  not  the  investors.  The  latter  stay  home  to  "keep  the 
home  fires  burning." 


30  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTER  X. 
THE  "NEXT  WAR" 

The  world  war,  we  were  assured,  was  a.  "war  to  end 
war."  Already  the  statesmen,  bankers,  diplomats  and 
politicians  are  talking  of  the  "next  war."  This  war  will 
certainly  come  and  more  wars  will  come.  They  are  the 
inevitable  fruits  of  the  present  capitalist  and  imperialist 
order  of  society.  Ghastly  as  the  world  war  was  the  next 
world  war  will  be  more  ghastly.  The  next  war  will  be 
fought  under  such  conditions  and  with  such  weapons  that 
all  civilians  will  be  combatants.  Every  man,  woman  and 
child,  the  aged  and  the  sick,  will  be  within  the  zone  of  war. 

In  the  last  war  liquid  flame— burning  men  alive— was 
introduced  on  the  Western  front.  Efforts  are  being  made 
to  perfect  and  extend  it.  As  the  war  drew  to  a  close  the 
most  deadly  gas  known  to  chemistry  was  being  manufact- 
ured. Will  Irwin  in  his  notable  book,  "The  Next  War," 
tells '^us  of  this  Lewisite  gas: 

"It  was  invisible;  it  ivas  a  sinking  gas,  ivhich 
"x'oidd  search  out  the  refugees  of  dugouts  and  cellars; 
if  breathed,  it  killed  at  once — and  it  killed  not  only 
through  the  lungs.  Wherever  it  settled  on  the  skin, 
it  p7^oduced  a  poison  which  penetrated  the  system 
and  brought  almost  certain  death.  It  was  inimical  to 
all  cell-life,  animal  or  vegetable.  Masks  alone  ivere 
of  no  use  against  it.    Further,  it  had  fifty-five  times 

the  spread  of  any  poison  hitherto  used  in  the  ivar 

Now  we  have  a  hint  of  a  gas  beyond  Leivisite.  It 
cannot  be  much  more  deadly;  but  i7i  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  chemical  which  generates  it,  the  spread  is 
far  greater.  A  mere  capside  of  this  gas  in  a  small 
■  grenade  can  generate  square  rods  and  even  acres  of 
death  in  the  absolute." 

All  this  means  that  the  next  war  wiU  be  a  war  of 
aeroplanes  loaded  with  gas  shells.  Experience  in  the  world 
war  has  shown  that  civilian  populations  are  not  immune 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  31 

from  attack.  Tlie  aiTny  of  one  nation  bombs  a  city  of  the 
''enemy"  and  the  ''lid  is  off."  Tons  of  gas  bombs  may  be 
easily  dropped  from  the  sky  upon  cities.  A  gas  that  is 
invisible,  that  follows  refugees  into  cellars,  that  has  a 
spread  fifty-five  times  that  of  any  other  gas,  that  penetrates 
masks,  that  means  death  when  it  penetrates  the  clothing- 
such  warfare  means  death  for  the  population  of  whole 
cities.  EVen  the  population  of  the  countryside  can  be  des- 
troyed. 

"In  the  next  wear,  this  gas  bombardment  of  capitals 
and  great  towns  is  not  only  a  possibility  but  a  strong  prob- 
ability—almost a  certainty,"  writes  Irwin.  Technicians, 
experts  and  chemists  are  now  at  work  in  the  leadings  coun- 
tries perfecting  these  ghastly  agencies  of  wholesale  mas- 
sacre. Disease-bearing  bacilli  are  also  being  prepared  in  the 
laboratories.  "Then  by  night-flying  aeroplanes,  by  spies, 
by  infected  insects,  vermin  or  water,  by  any  other  means 
which  ingenuity  may  suggest,  scatter  the  germs  among 
enemy  forces....  Among  the  possibilities  of  the  next  war 
is  a  general,  blighting  epidemic,  like  the  Black  Plagues 
of  the  Middle  Ages— a  sudden,  mysterious,  undiscriminat- 
ing  rush  of  death  from  which  a  man  can  save  himself  only 
by  fleeing  his  fellow  man." 

This  hideous  prospect  is  outlined  by  one  of  the  fore- 
most war  correspondents  of  the  country.  It  is  based  upon 
a  careful  investigation  of  what  lias  been  accomplished  and 
what  is  being  coolly  prepared  by  the  men  who  are  ad- 
ministering the  "civilized"  governments  of  the  twentieth 
century.  Any  "civilization"  that  can  give  rise  to  sucli 
ghastly  preparations  for  the  slaughter  of  babes,  the  aged, 
the  sick  and  infirm,  is  thrice  damned  in  the  eyes  of  thinking 
men  and  women.  It  is  a  hideous  product  of  the  present 
era  of  imperialist  capitalism.  Is  this  teiTible  thing,  this 
ghastly  spawn  of  imperialism,  the  thing  you  would  have? 


32  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

CHAPTER  XI. 

LABOR  AND  IMPERIALISM 

The  war  placed  a  bloated  plutocracy  in  the  saddle.  Its 
coinmand  of  the  mercenary  press  was  never  more  secure 
than  now\  It  has  its  propaganda  societies  in  the  Navy 
League,  the  American  Defense  Society,  the  National  Se- 
curity League  and  the  National  Civic  Federation.  The 
enormous  accumulations  of  this  plutocracy  during  the  war 
surpass  anything  ever  gathered  by  any  other  ruling  class 
in  the  same  period  of  time.  It  itches  for  more.  Toi  protect 
its  ill-gotten  gains  from  criticism  it  labels  all  its  critics 
''Bolsheviks."  It  has  jailed  many  of  its  critics  and  it 
would  like  to  jail  them  all. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  the  great 
corporations,  trusts  and  mergers  appeared  on  the  scene. 
The  old  era  of  small,  scattered  and  competing  industries 
was  passing  into  the  era  of  the  great  combinations  of 
finance  and  capital.  Industries  of  the  same  kind  not  only 
consolidated  but  industries  of  a  different  kind  were  gather- 
ed under  a  single  control,  including  mines,  transportation 
companies,  blast  furnaces,  rolling  mills,  iron  and  steel  pro- 
ducts, and  in  some  cases  the  marketing  of  finished  products 
is  under  a  single  control.  The  value  of  manufactured  pro- 
ducts increased  from  more  than  11  billion  dollars  in  1899 
to  more  than  24  billions  in  1914.  The  invasion  of  foreign 
markets  began  about  this  time.  The  world  as  a  whole 
showed  a  tremendous  development  of  capital  and  com- 
merce. The  commerce  of  the  world  in  1890  was  ITV^ 
billions.  By  1914  it  had  increased  to  more  than  37  billions. 
The  Department  of  Commerce  was  created  in  1903  to  look 
after  the  foreign  trade  and  investments  of  American  cap- 
italists. 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR  33 


Professors  Jenks  and  Clark  in  their  work  on  "Tlie 
Trust  Problem"  wrote  in  1917: 

"Milliofi  dollar  output  plants  producing  38  per 
cent  of  the  country's  output  in  190 Jf  ivere  producing 
hU  per  cent  in  1909.  If  this  same  swift  rate  of  change 
has  been  maintained  since  1909,  huge  million  dollar 
output  plants  are  today  producing  more  than  half  the 
value    output    of    the   manufactured   goods    of   this 

nation In  1909   the  number  of  plants  whose 

average  value  of  products  ivas  above  $100,000  a  year, 
was  only  11.5  per  cent  of  all  the  listed  manufactur- 
ing establishments  of  the  country  (yet  they  are)  ac- 
credited tvith  82.2  per  cent  of  ivhole  value  of  manu- 
factured products." 

These  giant  oflfshoots  of  the  old  system  of  competi- 
tive industry,  as  well  as  other  consolidations  in  Eiirope, 
heaped  up  masses  of  capital  for  investment  overseas.  This 
extension  of  trade,  investments  and  loans  abroad  was  a 
big  factor  in  bringing  on  the  world  war.  Remember  that 
the  Hughes  Republicans  in  1916  said:  "The  rivalries  that 
begin  in  commerce  end  on  battlefields."  These  rivalries 
ended  in  the  greatest  slaughter  in  all  history.  But  even 
before  the  bloody  shambles  had  ended  the  governments 
were  preparing  for  the  next  rivalries.  Dr.  W.  E.  Aughin- 
baugh  of  New  York  University,  writing  in  the  New  York 
Commercial  of  June  4,  1921,  states  that  as  early  as  1917 
Great  Britain  prepared  to  give  ''effective  assistance"  to 
"private  enterprises  abroad."  A  Department  of  Overseas 
TVade  w^as  created  and  all  branches  of  the  diplomatic  and 
consular  services  were  overhauled  "to  secure  the  best  qual- 
ified men."  The  French  Government  has  also  created  the 
National  Oflfice  of  Foreign  Commerce  with  a  series  of  bu- 
I'eaus  for  looking  after  overseas  interests  of  its  bankers 
and  capitalists.  Holland,  Denmark,  Norway,  Germany  and 
Japan  are  also  making  similar  preparations, 


34         LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

Everywhere  the  modem  nations  of  the  world  are 
organizing  their  governments  to  serve  the  profit  and 
gain  of  capitalists  and  bankers.  Tlie  toiling  hosts  of 
labor  bend  their  backs  in  mill,  mine,  shop  and  factory, 
working  for  wages  and  heaping  up  surplus  commodities 
and  surplus  capital,  the  first  to  be  sold  abroad  and  the 
latter  to  be  invested  abroad.  When  the  rivalries  to  control 
the  backward  areas  of  the  world  issue  in  war,  the  masses 
are  summoned  to  the  colors,  drilled  and  sent  abroad  to  con- 
quer in  the  name  of  King  Capital.  The  powerful  chiefs 
of  the  great  financial  institutions  and  combinations  of  cap- 
ital have  never  been  found  fighting  at  the  front.  They 
will  not  be  at  the  front  in  the  next  war  although  it  is  these 
gentlemen  who  have  stakes  in  the  struggle. 

THE  MENACE  OF  LOANS 

Still  more  menacing  is  the  international  financial 
oligarchy.  What  is  known  as  the  Cliinese  Consortium  is 
an  international  organization  of  the  great  bankers  of  Eng- 
land, France,  Japan  and  the  United  States.  They  have 
combined  for  the  ^'development  of  China."  This  Con- 
sortium was  initiated  by  the  State  Department.  These  gov- 
ernments have  agreed  to  support  their  respective  bankers 
in  loans  which  they  will  make  for  concessions  in  China, 
building  railways,  docks,  etc. 

Suppose  that  the  people  of  Cliina  rise  some  day  and 
establish  a  government  representing  the  masses,  at  the 
same  time  repudiating  the  hard  bargains  of  the  interna- 
tional bankers.  The  governments  are  already  pledged  to 
use  their  powers  to  see  that  the  interest  and  the  principal 
of  the  loans  shall  be  paid.  What  will  happen  in  the  case 
of  such  a  Chinese  revolution?  The  governments  will  com- 
bine in  a  joint  protest  to  the  new  China.  They  will  demand 
that  every  dollar  of  interest  and    principal  be    paid.     It 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        35 

would  make  nO'  difference  to  the  imperialist  governments 
whether  the  loans  were  made  with  grafting  Chinese  mili- 
tarists of  which  China  has  quite  a  number.  The  Chinese 
people  will  be  told  to  accept  the  yoke  of  the  world's  bank- 
ers. If  they  do  not  agree,  then  there  will  be  a  declaration 
of  war  on  China. 

Now  such  a  war  would  mean  that  you,  the  toilers  of 
this  nation,  would  be  called  to  go  to  the  front.  You  would 
be  ordered  to  go  to  China  to  serve  the  dollars  of  not  only 
American  bankers  but  the  bankers  of  England,  France  and 
Japan.  The  bankers  themselves  would  certainly  stay  at 
home  to  repeat  whatever  catch-words  would  be  coined  to 
glorify  such  a  war.  China  could  not  have  the  kind  of  gov- 
ernment and  social  system  it  might  choose.  The  toilers  of 
four  nations  would  be  armed  and  sent  abroad  to  suppress 
the  aspirations  for  freedom  of  the  Chinese  people  and  to 
perpetuate  the  yoke  of  the  international  bankers. 

Because  of  the  disorganized  state  of  China;  because 
of  having  already  been  cai'ved  into  "spheres"  by  the  im- 
perialist powers;  because  of  the  adventurers,  bandits  and 
grafters  that  infest  China,  some  of  them  in  the  pay  of  some 
imperialist  powers,  the  Chinese  Consortium  is  almost  cer- 
tain to  issue  into  a  war  for  the  world's  bankers.  This  is 
a  prospect  which  should  make  intelligent  workingmen  and 
women  recoil  with  disgust  and  a  determination  that  they 
will  do  their  part  to  change  a  system  of  society  that  holds 
this  prospect  out  for  them  and  their  boys. 


36  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTER  XIT. 

WHAT'S  TO  BE  DONE? 

The  writer  hopes  that  he  has  made  it  plain  what  this 
new  period  of  history  means  for  us.  Tlie  old  age  before 
the  world  war  is  dead.  A  new  epoch  is  before  lis.  The 
old  period  of  American  isolation  from  world  politics  and 
world  struggles  is  gone  never  to  return.  Our  capitalists, 
bankers  and  traders  are  after  oil,  railroads,  mines,  minerals 
and  other  natural  riches  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  They  are 
interested  in  Persia,  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Cliina,  Latin 
America  and  Asia.  They  drag  us  behind  them  after  their 
intrigues,  concessions,  loans  and  trade.  They  insist  on 
the  powers  of  government  sustaining  their  ventures  wher- 
ever their  dollars  are  sent.  They  demand  that  the  army 
and  navy  be  placed  at  their  service  when  their  gains  re- 
quire it. 

We  want  peace,  security,  enjoyment  and  happiness 
but  these  are  phantoms  under  this  new  order  of  world 
imperialism.  War  will  always  brood  over  every  household, 
the  ghastly  war  of  chemicals  and  gas.  Like  the  peo}3les 
of  Ehrope  for  nearly  two  generations  we  will  know  that 
war  is  coming  but  will  never  know  the  date  of  its  arrival. 
We  have  no  choice  in  making  the  decision.  It  is  made  for 
us  by  the  imperialist  diplomats  who  work  in  secret  and 
who  serve  the  great  powers  of  finance  and  capital. 

What  are  we  going  to  do  about  it?  That  is  a.  big 
question.  Where  do  the  capitalists  of  the  nation  get  their 
surplus  commodities  and  surplus  capital  for  export  abroad, 
that  export  which  brings  rivalries  and  that  leads  to  war? 
They  get  this  surplus  from  the  toil  and  sweat  of  the  work- 
ers of  the  United  States  who  produce  it  in  the  mines,  mills, 
shops,  factories  and  great  plants  of  production  owned  and 
mastered  by  capitalists  and  financiers.    That  is  where  the 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        37 

surplus  comes  from  and  nowhere  else.  Their  ownership 
and  control  of  the  great  powers  of  production,  transporta- 
tion and  exchange  is  the  source  of  their  power.  It  is  the 
source  of  their  mighty  riches.  This  power  makes  them 
supreme  in  modem  society. 

When  the  industries  were  small  and  scattered,  located 
in  thousands  of  villages,  towns  and  cities,  ownership  by 
capitalists  was  not  so  bad.  But  the  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  small  owners  are  rapidly  disappearing  and  a  few  giant 
cori^orations  are  taking  their  place  as  we  have  already  seen. 
Those  who  own  the  giant  combinations  of  industiy  are 
the  masters  of  America.  The  mass  of  workers  are  doomed 
to  serv^e  them  by  selling  labor  power.  A  few  may  escape 
into  the  upper  ranks  of  the  masters  now  and  then  but  the 
masses  are  doomed  to  wage  service. 

Industrial  concentration  is  accompanied  with  political 
concentration.  Back  of  all  the  great  property  combina- 
tions are  laws.  The  ownership  of  the  natural  resources 
and  great  industries  has  been  made  legal  by  these  laws. 
Back  of  the  laws  are  the  parties  that  have  placed  them  on 
the  statute  books.  Back  of  them  are  the  many  millions  of 
voters.  The  ownership  of  the  natural  riches  and  great  in- 
dustries, therefore,  rests  upon  the  consent  of  these  millions 
of  voters. 

If  you  can  give  your  consent  that  these  great  powers 
of  production  shall  be  owned  by  a  privileged  class  you  can 
also  withdraw  your  consent.  It  is  simple  enough.  Quit 
voting  for  the  major  political  parties  that  are  in  favor  of 
the  great  capitalist  combinations  owning  the  powers  of 
wealth  production.  Vote  for  a  party  of  your  own  which 
stands  for  a  program  of  recovering  the  great  industries  for 
the  service  and  welfare  of  the  workers  of  hand  and  brain. 


38  LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

THE  SOCIALIST  SOLUTION 

Notice  the  development  of  industry.  The  individual 
owner,  the  partnership,  the  pool,  the  corporation,  the  trust, 
the  holding  company,  the  merger,  the  international  al- 
liances. The  tendency  has  been  greater  combination,  greater 
power,  increasing  mastery  for  a  class  of  owners.  Wliy 
should  the  combination  end  at  its  present  stage  of  mastery 
for  a  few  1  Why  not  a  still  greater  combination,  the  nation 
itself,  organized  in  its  collective  capacity,  relieving  the  mas- 
ters of  ownership,  just  as  the  slave  owners  were  relieved 
of  their  ownership? 

In  other  words,  these  great  empires  of  capital  have 
become  so  dangerous  and  so  menacing  to  the  welfare  of 
the  masses  that  the  only  organization  capable  of  absorbing 
them  is  the  nation  itself.  The  workers  of  hand  and  brain, 
skilled  and  unskilled,  must  seek  through  their  voting  power 
to  transfer  the  great  industrial  powers  to  themselves  as 
the  organized  nation  of  the  workers.  Legalize  this  transfer 
by  obtaining  control  of  the  governing  powers  through  a 
party  of  their  own. 

If  through  the  ballot  our  fathers  and  their  sons  could 
make  class  ownership  lawful  we  can  make  national  owner- 
ship for  the  welfare  of  all  lawful.  This  is  the  reason  why 
Socialists  organize  into  a  party  of  their  own.  They  want 
the  mills,  mines,  railroads  and  industries  in  general  to  cease 
being  sources  of  enrichment  for  a  small  class  of  powerful 
owners.  When  that  class  ceases  to  own  we  will  cease  to 
pile  up  surplus  goods  and  capital  for  them  to  export  abroad 
and  draw  us  into  imperialist  wars  after  the  goods  and 
capital. 

There  should  be  no  surplus  sent  abroad  so  long  as 
there  are  those  in  want  at  home  anyway.    When  'we,  the 


LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR        39 

masses  of  America  acquire  mastery  over  the  industries  of 
the  country  we  can  introduce  democracy  in  industry  by 
our  own  initiative  and  control.  The  mill,  mine,  shop  and 
plant  should  be  as  democratic  as  a  town  meeting.  Today 
they  are  so  many  autocracies  presided  over  by  agents  of 
absentee  owners.  Most  of  the  latter  rarely  see  the  plants 
in  which  their  capital  is  invested.  They  do  not  manage. 
They  do  not  superintend.  They  do  nothings  but  own.  When 
they  die  the  son  who  inherits  becomes  an  absentee  owner 
and  the  agents,  managers,  superintendents  act  for  him. 

When  the  masses  become  the  masters  of  their  indus- 
trial life  they  can  make  the  agents,  managers  and  super- 
intendents act  for  them  and  be  responsible  to  them.  These 
managers  and  superintendents  will  be  responsible  to  work- 
ers who  are  also  owners  instead  of  being  responsible  to 
owners  who  are  not  workers.  When  humanity  acquires 
this  mastery  over  its  great  powers  of  production  all  useful 
labor  will  be  engaged  in  solving  problems  of  management, 
apportionment  of  rewards,  hours  of  labor.  A  new  age  of 
history  will  dawn.  The  process  of  combination  that  began 
two  generations  ago  will  issue  into  the  greatest  combina- 
tion  of  all— organized  humanity! 

This  is  the  essence  of  Socialism,  the  liberator  of  the 
workers  of  our  time.  It  means  the  end  of  imperialism, 
foreign  conquest  and  war.  It  means  that  disarmament 
may  be  a  reality.  It  means  that  the  peoples  of  the  world 
may  live  in  peace  with  each  other. 

But  to  obtain  the  mastery  and  scientific  control  and 
management  of  the  industrial  powers  of  America  also 
means  the  education  of  all  those  who  fear  the  black  ten- 
dencies of  the  present  system  of  capitalist  imperialism. 
It  means  organization,  too.  It  means  building  a  party  of 
the  workers  of  this  country  representing  their  claims  and 
interests. 


40         LABOR  AND  THE  NEXT  WAR 

The  Socialist  Party  presents  its  claims  for  the  support 
of  all  those  who  do  useful  labor.  It  stood  steadfast  during 
the  trying  period  of  the  world  war.  Its  capitalist  enemies 
tried  to  destroy  it.  They  failed.  They  will  always  fail. 
Had  the  Socialist  Party  sold  its  soul  to  the  enemies  of  the 
workers  it  would  not  be  worthy  of  its  claims  upon  you. 

Join  it.  Work  for  it.  Circulate  this  booklet.  The 
future  is  black  with  the  menace  of  more  wars.  Capitalism 
has  outlived  its  usefulness.  The  Socialist  movement  seeks 
to  reorganize  it  on  a  basis  that  will  free  the  masses  from 
the  servitude  that  is  the  lot  of  millions  today.  National 
ownership  of  the  great  industries  with  democratic  control 
by  the  workers  is  the  issue  of  the  hour.  Make  it  yours  and 
hasten  the  day  of  universal  liberation  for  the  toilers  of  this 
country  and  of  the  world. 

the;  end. 


READ  THESE  BOOKS 

/5  SOCIALISM  INEVITABLE? 

An  explanation  of  the  forces  of  social  progress 

By  AUGUST  CLAESSENS 

Instructor  at  the  Rand  School  of  Social  Science,  Member  of  the 

New  York  State  Assembly,  Author  of  "The  Logic  of 

Socialism"  etc. 

PRICE  10  CENTS. 

*  *  *  * 

DEBS'  CANTON  SPEECH 

This  is  the  speech  for  which  Eugene  V.  Debs  was  sentenced  to 
ten  years  in  the  Federal  Prison  at  Atlanta,  Ga.    Every  working 
man  should  read  this  pamphlet  and  understand  that  American 
citizens  can  be  imprisoned  for  telling  the  truth. 
PRICE  10  CENTS. 

*     «     «     4> 

LABOR  IN  POLITICS 

By  ROBERT  HUNTER 
A  study  of  the  political  policies  of  organized  labor.    Should  be 
read  by  every  union  man  in  this  era  of  injunctions  and  strike- 
breaking by  the  United  States  government. 
PRICE  25  CENTS. 

*  *  *  * 

SOCIALISM 
WHAT  IT  IS  &  HOW  TO  GET  IT 

By  OSCAR  AMERINGER 
The  best  and  simplest  explanation  of  Socialism  for  the  begin- 
ner.   Just  the  thing  to  hand  your  neighbor  who  is  becoming 
interested. 

PRICE  10  CENTS. 
«  *  *  « 

ORDER  FROM 
THE    SOCIALIST    PARTY 
2418  West  Madison  Street — Chicago,  111. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 

This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


7P.  Form  L9-25m-9,'47(A5618)']44 


NATIONAL  OFFICE, 
SOCIALIST    PARTY 

241 8  W.  MADISON  STREET  CHICAGO,  ILL. 


i 


tMnrr.   ™^  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  0.  CALIFORNIA 
^OS  ANGELRS 


UCLA-Young  Research   Library 

HX87   .0581 

y 


L  009   575  822  3 


